From the perspective of advancing U.S. interests on issues that directly matter to the American people, Xi Jinping’s visit to Washington scored somewhere between low and incomplete. But even as we await the final grades on specific deals hashed out during the summit, the Trump administration is likely headed for a solid F on geopolitical messaging that humiliated the United States — and resulted in no strategic gains for the nation or its allies.
President Donald Trump rolled out far more than a very long red carpet for the visiting leader of the People’s Republic of China. Trump and the first lady met Xi and his wife, Peng Liyuan, on the tarmac. (Before Trump greeted Russian leader Vladimir Putin on the tarmac in Alaska in 2025, no U.S. president had welcomed a foreign leader in that fashion since John F. Kennedy.) Trump also provided full official honors, ordered a military jet flyover and gushed about his “great friendship” with the Chinese leader.
This treatment stands in stark contrast to the way the visiting leaders of America’s most important Indo-Pacific allies have been received during Trump’s second term.
This treatment stands in stark contrast to the way the visiting leaders of America’s most important Indo-Pacific allies have been received during Trump’s second term.
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was met only by the Australian ambassador when he came to Washington in fall 2025. Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi — who has faced heavy economic and diplomatic pressure from China ever since telling her parliament that a Chinese attack on Taiwan might constitute an existential threat for Japan — arrived at the airport earlier in the week with no bells or whistles at all. Neither President Lai Ching-te of Taiwan nor his vice president has been allowed passage through the United States since Trump’s second inauguration.
And while Xi made public that he pressed Trump to adopt a harder line on Taiwan, we do not know whether Trump pushed back, as he should have, in support of the island democracy.
Allied worries over this jarringly disparate treatment were likely exacerbated by Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s announcement on the day of Xi’s arrival that Trump planned to invite Putin to the Group of 20 summit in Miami this December. This is the same Putin who Xi has called his “friend of steel” and who continues a brutal war in Ukraine.
Furthermore, these grand gestures to harsh adversaries of the free world took place while Trump was fighting in court to kick three news outlets, including MS NOW, out of the White House press pool because he didn’t like how they covered his administration. That was the backdrop for his private joke to Xi, who famously ordered Chinese media outlets to obey the Communist Party. “China had the friendliest press corps,” the president of the United States quipped to the Chinese dictator.
As for actual diplomatic substance, the summit was underwhelming.
That was the backdrop for his private joke to Xi, who famously ordered Chinese media outlets to obey the Communist Party. “China had the friendliest press corps,” the president of the United States quipped to the Chinese dictator.
Ahead of Xi’s visit, Beijing offered predictable sweeteners, like buying more soybeans and banning a new group of chemicals used to make fentanyl. Agricultural sales provide temporary relief for farmers struggling with high and rising costs caused by Trump’s war of choice with Iran, and tighter chemical rules are a helpful step toward addressing America’s ongoing opioid crisis. However, these one-off gestures don’t represent deep progress toward either reliable market access for U.S. exports to China or stopping the flow of these chemicals globally. Without meaningful action, drug supply chains will simply shift to other countries.
The extension of the trade-war truce for a couple more months was also welcome, though it remains unclear how Washington will ensure that Beijing keeps its word on fully restoring the flow of critical minerals to American and allied manufacturers. On other pressing issues, from managing the risks of rogue artificial intelligence to securing the release of wrongfully detained Americans, no visible progress was made, and the signs — like Trump’s social media post about leaving AI “exactly where it is” — are not encouraging.
What Xi’s visit has revealed is that the Trump administration seemingly prioritizes pomp and circumstance over substantive success.
Washington should be negotiating from a position of strength. The United States needs to work closely with our Indo-Pacific partners and allies to push back with firm resolve against Beijing’s economic and security bullying, even while keeping open channels for pragmatic, respectful diplomacy. That’s the only way to be taken seriously by an unsentimental Leninist like Xi, who likely views Trump’s welcome as a signal that the U.S. president is playing a weak hand.
A garish show is no substitute for the hard work needed to advance U.S. national interests in ways that make the American people safer and more prosperous. The administration should be held accountable for choosing political theater over real strategy.
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