I had lunch with Donald Rumsfeld 20 years ago today, the day after he announced his resignation as President George W. Bush’s defense secretary. Amid widespread fatigue and deep opposition to the Iraq War, the Republican Party had just lost 31 seats in the House and six seats in the Senate. Some Republicans privately complained that Bush should have fired Rumsfeld the day before the midterm election instead of characterizing his resignation as a “mutual decision” after the fact.
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth finds himself in a remarkably similar position after fatigue and opposition to the war with Iran and the higher prices it caused led to a Republican Party defeat that was even more devastating than 2006. The question isn’t just whether President Donald Trump will ask him to resign, it’s also whether the House of Representatives will vote for his impeachment. Whether Hegseth steps aside or fights will tell us much about how Trump plans to deal with a Democratic congressional majority in January.
Whether Hegseth steps aside or fights will tell us much about how Trump plans to deal with a Democratic congressional majority in January.
Rep. Tom Massie, R-Ky., introduced eight articles of impeachment on Monday. These center on the unauthorized war with Iran, violations of the War Powers Resolution and allegations of military and conduct abuse, including boat strikes in the Caribbean (an alleged war crime) and blocking the promotion of 50 officers selected for general or admiral rank. Massie attempted to force an impeachment vote against Hegseth before the election, but it was blocked by Speaker Mike Johnson.
There are probably enough votes in the House to impeach Hegseth, but it’s highly unlikely that there are 67 senators who will convict him, which means we’re more likely to hear that Trump and Hegseth reached a “mutual decision” that he go. Vice President JD Vance has declared that the war with Iran is the reason the Republicans lost so soundly, and the president badly needs a scapegoat.
There are Republicans in the House and Senate who support Hegseth’s departure. Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina has accused Hegseth of “incompetence” as well as “shameful and embarrassing episodes from firing our top generals to texting war plans to reporters.” There’s additional pressure on lawmakers to investigate Hegseth based on accusations of improper access and Pentagon contracts going to Trump’s political allies, along with recent reports that he used bogus criteria to specifically deny promotions to women and minorities.
A senior official with in-depth knowledge of flag and general officer selection and assignment told MS NOW that Hegseth’s office used internet searches to deny promotion to officers who had publicly celebrated diversity, spoken in favor of Covid-19 vaccinations, participated in an International Women’s Day event, were connected to the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan or had a connection to Gen. Mark A. Milley, the former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
For most of these officers, Hegseth’s refusal to promote them will force them to retire early, which will deprive the nation of their experience and talent. His reported interference may well be illegal and contrary to the merit-based promotion system the military has used for decades.
In 2006 I was a national security consultant who had met with Rumsfeld frequently over the previous three years. I was not a Rumsfeld supporter, but I had always found him to be experienced, intelligent and demanding. At that November lunch, the 74-year-old was reflective, as he must have known he had reached the end of a long career in national security affairs.
Rumsfeld was one of the most qualified defense secretaries in modern history. The 46-year-old Hegseth had no qualifications.
As a former congressman, counselor to Richard Nixon, U.S. ambassador to NATO, White House chief of staff and defense secretary for Gerald Ford, and special envoy to the Middle East for Ronald Reagan, Rumsfeld was one of the most qualified defense secretaries in modern history. The 46-year-old Hegseth had no qualifications to be secretary of defense, and his path to the position reflected that. The U.S. Senate unanimously confirmed Rumsfeld. Hegseth needed the tie-breaking vote of Vice President JD Vance.
In contrast to the reflective attitude I saw in Rumsfeld that day, Hegseth’s response to lawmakers wanting him gone — and even impeached — was a defiant taxpayer-funded social media video from the Pentagon steps. He delivered his rant vowing to fight any impeachment effort next to a newly installed sign, a reminder of the $125 million that taxpayers have reportedly shelled out on Hegseth’s vanity project to change the Pentagon’s signs, logos and stationery to say “Department of War.”
Subsequently, the official White House X account shared a video praising Hegseth and his accomplishments. On Monday, though, some media reports said Trump would let Hegseth go.
If he doesn’t soon resign, and the U.S House impeaches him, a Senate trial will consume enormous time and energy, particularly in the Senate. This will make it extremely difficult to deal with critical issues such as the need to pass the National Defense Authorization Act and to avoid a government shutdown. Hegseth’s departure now might allow the president to get a replacement confirmed before the swearing-in of a new Congress controlled by Democrats.
It’s clear the president likes Hegseth’s bravado and macho approach, but there is an old saying in Washington that if you see a parade coming down the street, you can face it and try to stop it, but you are liable to get trampled. The better bet is to turn around and give the impression you are leading it. Trump and Hegseth can see that the parade to get Hegseth to leave is forming. Expect one or the both of them to say his leaving is voluntary.
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