This is a dark time for House Republicans. When the 120th Congress convenes in January, Republicans will hold fewer seats than at any time in the past 30 years. On Tuesday, they selected Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio to lead them into the future — which means a co-founder of the House Freedom Caucus has evolved from tea-party insurgent to avatar of the establishment. Quite the journey.
Jordan’s rise to minority leader undercuts what relevance had remained of the House Freedom Caucus. Already a strategic anachronism during President Donald Trump’s pinnacle, the group was further diminished by last week’s midterm results. Where it goes next, or how long it continues to exist, is unclear even to caucus members.
From the outset, the strategy of the Freedom Caucus — such as it is — was to obstruct. This made the group arguably most effective when Republicans held slim majorities. When its members could withhold enough votes to impede a bill from moving forward, or tank it outright, the caucus issued demands — which House GOP leaders typically found unworkable and sometimes prompted them to turn to House Democrats for help. Preventing an insufficiently hard-right outcome was itself considered a win; nothing constructive had to be offered in its place.
From the outset, the strategy of the Freedom Caucus — such as it is — was to obstruct.
Politico reported Thursday that in the wake of Jordan’s elevation and Republicans’ midterm losses, the hard-right caucus is doing some soul-searching, asking “big questions about the role of a group that was established to prod party leaders rightward now that the GOP’s top man is one of their own.” Talk about muddled views:
[Rep. Clay Higgins of Louisiana] said, for example, “our principles are the same” but the group would now be more focused on “strategic alignment to protect the gains that we have indeed made over the last few years.” Another member, Rep. Marlin Stutzman of Indiana, said it would move to a “think tank model where we’re pulling good information together … to really inform the rest of the conference.”
When the Freedom Caucus first hit the scene during the Obama administration, its members tilted too far right even for a GOP that prided itself on conservatism. Then-Speaker John Boehner of Ohio had been a part of the Republican revolution of 1994 but still expected members to govern responsibly.
The Freedom Caucus, by contrast, was there to blow things up — and Jordan was, in Boehner’s words, a “legislative terrorist.” Boehner’s efforts simply to keep the federal government open were met with suspicion, and his negotiations to avoid breaching the debt ceiling provoked hostility. Boehner’s resignation in 2015 was seen as a major victory for the Freedom Caucus, which then had about 40 members — and a sign that their moment had arrived.
When Trump first took office in 2017, the ouster of more moderate GOP voices began. At first, the caucus, excited about total GOP control of government, had big plans. Its members were still willing to throw bombs at leadership priorities, including derailing an early effort to repeal Obamacare. But rather than gaining strength, the caucus weakened as Trump’s influence grew.
By the time Trump’s second term began, the Freedom Caucus looked to many like an extension of his MAGA brand. Any pressure its members put on House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., could immediately be undone with phone calls from the president. Time and again the initial holdouts caved and capitulated, giving their votes for little in return. As my colleague Steve Benen put it, “the attack dogs have become obedient lapdogs, whose barks are worse than their bites.”
Now the caucus must decide what role it will play in a rump minority where its votes will make little difference in a Democratic-majority House.
This election cycle didn’t help. Freedom Caucus-backed primary candidates had a miserable run of losses. As my colleague Ja’han Jones noted, the caucus lost many of its own heavy hitters, either to seek other offices or by losing their own re-election bids. What’s left of the Freedom Caucus would likely struggle to maintain power even if the GOP hadn’t lost control of the House.
Now the caucus must decide what role it will play in a rump minority where its votes will make little difference in a Democratic-majority House. Making legislative deals with Democrats or passing laws at all are far outside of Jordan’s wheelhouse. And with Republicans holding so few seats, anti-establishment rabble-rousing against Jordan would likely be counterproductive — not that that’s ever stopped this group.
The Freedom Caucus might well recast itself as the MAGA Caucus and prepare to try to carry the torch for Trump once he leaves office. Perhaps the coming years in the political wilderness will spawn newly moderate Republicans who can serve as foils for what remains of the caucus. As things stand for now, whatever the Freedom Caucus members do is unlikely to make much of a difference — to anyone.
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